Copyright holder: Tyndale University, 3377 Bayview Ave., Toronto, Ontario, Canada M2M 3S4 Att.: Library Director, J. William Horsey Library Copyright: This Work has been made available by the authority of the copyright owner solely for the purpose of private study and research and may not be copied or reproduced except as permitted by the copyright laws of Canada without the written authority from the copyright owner. Copyright license: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License Citation: Crouse, Eric. “Great Expectations: J. Wilbur Chapman, Presbyterians, and Other Protestants in Early Twentieth-Century Canada.” The Journal of Presbyterian History 78, no.2 (Summer 2000): 155-167. ***** Begin Content ****** TYNDALE UNIVERSITY 3377 Bayview Avenue Toronto, ON M2M 3S4 TEL: 416.226.6620 www.tyndale.ca Note: This Work has been made available by the authority of the copyright owner solely for the purpose of private study and research and may not be copied or reproduced except as permitted by the copyright laws of Canada without the written authority from the copyright owner. Crouse, Eric. “Great Expectations: J. Wilbur Chapman, Presbyterians, and Other Protestants in Early Twentieth-Century Canada.” The Journal of Presbyterian History 78, no.2 (Summer 2000): 155-167. [ Citation Page ] Great Expectations: J. Wilbur Chapman, Presbyterians, and Other Protestants in Early Twentieth-Century Canada Presbyterians gave the most consistent support of all Protestant denominations to Wilbur Chapman's Canadian revival campaigns. by Eric R. Crouse THE URBAN REVIVAL MEETINGS OF AMERI- can professional evangelists captured the attention of early twentieth-century Cana- dian clergy and lay leaders who sought to preserve the piety of nineteenth-century evangelicalism. Well-known American evangelists appeared ideal for Canada where there was a growing sense of urgency to renew the spiritual life of churchgoers and bring the unchurched into the fold. Cana- dian Protestants who requested the assis- tance of American evangelists believed that through the medium of professional revival- ism, in an era of increasing urbanization and industrialization, their communities would be spiritually awakened, and church mem- bership would increase accordingly. Pres- byterian J. Wilbur Chapman received greater attention in Canada than any other Ameri- can evangelist of the early twentieth cen- tury. From 1907 to 1911, Chapman visited nine Canadian urban centers, bringing with him a contingent of co-evangelists and work- ers to stage a series of simultaneous revival meetings.1 Chapman's meetings attracted large num- bers of people; attendance of over 400,000 people at the Toronto campaign in 1911, for example, indicated that there continued to be an interest in a populist and conservative kind of evangelicalism which upheld the importance of individual salvation. How- ever, by the conclusion of Chapman's last Canadian campaign some Protestant clergy- men were beginning to question the effec- tiveness of professional revivalism in gener- ating church membership growth and keeping evangelicalism relevant and mean- ingful in Canadian society. It appears that Canadian Protestant leaders may have held unrealistic expectations on what visiting American evangelists could achieve. I In his early years, J. Wilbur Chapman was pastor of a number of Presbyterian churches, but in 1893 he took a break from local church responsibilities and embraced full-time revival work. He assisted evange- lists Dwight L. Moody and B. Fay Mills in addition to conducting his own meetings. During these years, he visited mostly moder- ate-sized cities including Montreal.2 In 1895, Chapman was appointed corresponding sec- retary of the Presbyterian General Assembly's Committee on Evangelism and directed the activities of numerous evangelists through- ___________________ Dr. Crouse is Assistant Professor in the Department of History, St. Francis Xavier University, Nova Scotia. [ Page 155 ] [ Page ] 156 out the United States. Ten years later, Chapman again became a full-time evange- list when a wealthy Presbyterian layman offered to pay his expenses. Chapman de- veloped and promoted a new method of urban evangelism which divided a city into many districts, each district employing an evangelistic team to hold meetings3 In the summer of 1907, Chapman was greatly saddened by the death of his wife, but after some time he resolved to meet the numerous calls from various countries for his revival services. One of his earlier re- quests came from the Reverend Charles W. Gordon, Presbyterian clergyman and noted Canadian author, who encouraged Chapman to hold a simultaneous revival campaign at Winnipeg in late October and early Novem- ber of 1907.4 Gordon was one of a number of Presbyterians who were instrumental in bringing Chapman to Winnipeg.5 The city was divided into six sections. The main meetings were held in three Presbyterian, two Methodist, and one Congregational church. In addition to these six churches, there were a number of other churches which held at least one meeting with the help of one of the Chapman evangelists. Other re- vival sites included the Y.M.C.A. audito- rium, various factories, Canadian Pacific Railway sheds, saloons, theaters, and com- munity buildings. Chapman's long list of associates repre- sented a wide variety of backgrounds and experiences. Two of the more notable assis- tants were the wife and husband team Vir- ginia and William Asher. Asked by J. Wilbur Chapman to join his band of evangelistic workers, the Ashers showed their ability to reach mainly working-class males. Espe- cially notable were their meetings in Cana- dian factories, saloons, and jails. According to the Presbyterian of Toronto, "Night after night they [the Ashers] are holding services in different bar-rooms and are having large audiences and as respectful attention as if they were ever in a church." At one saloon service, "not a drink could be bought for love or money."⁶Winnipeg's Presbyterian churches were targeted by other prominent members of the Chapman entourage. The Reverend W.J.Dawson (from England) held meetings at St. Stephen's Presbyterian Church, the Reverend Henry Ostrom held most of his meetings at St. Andrew's Presby- terian Church, and the Reverend Frank Granstaff conducted services at St. Augus- tine's Presbyterian Church. Chapman and three of his associates—soloist Paul J. Gil- bert, chorus leader Charles F. Allen, and organist C. F. Marsh—held meetings in a variety of churches.7 The visiting evangelists and churches worked together effectively generating reli- gious enthusiasm and attracting the support of newspapers.8 The Manitoba Free Press, for example, provided extensive and posi- [ Description of photograph ] The Reverend Dr. J. Wilbur Chapman in a standard publicity photograph used by the Toronto News June 13, 1911 (RG 2-4, PHS, Philadelphia). [ Page ] 157 five coverage of the revivalists and their evangelistic work. Numerous photographs of the Chapman workers and daily reports of all the meetings in the various churches and other revival sites were printed to inform Manitobians of the campaign. Lasting al- most three weeks, the Winnipeg campaign reportedly attracted between 4,000 and 5,000 people every night or about 80,000 in total.9 Though Chapman visited Winnipeg again in June 1908 to speak at the General Assem- bly of the Presbyterian Church of Canada, his next revival campaigns in Canada oc- curred in the fall of 1908.'°These meetings lasted five weeks from late September to early November and took place in the Ontario centers of Orillia, Barrie, Toronto, Paris, and Brantford. Perhaps the most notable im- provement for the Ontario campaign was the addition of Charles M. Alexander, the popular singing co-evangelist. The drawing power of Chapman himself was impressive, since the Y.M.C.A. of Orillia, clergymen, and businessmen had eagerly sought his assistance. Many other larger American ur- ban centers also requested his services, but he was struck by the persistence of the Orillia people to have him come north. After two years of repeated invitations and a feel- ing that God was calling him to Orillia, Chapman returned to Canada." Believing that prayer was essential tor the success of the revival campaign, "cot- tage prayer-meetings" were held as early as two months in advance of Chapman's ap- pearance.12 In addition to prayer, publicity and marketing for the campaign were also extensive. Months before the meetings, a "Publicity committee" had been formed in order to kindle the interest of the community for the coming revivals. One of their most important tasks was to place advertisements, as early as a month before the meetings, in the "choicest" spaces of various newspa- pers. Newspaper columns were also used and a number of stories and photographs of the Chapman team were printed. Large ban- ners which read "The King's Business" and "Chapman-Alexander, Sept. 30 to Oct. 13" were situated in prominent places above the major streets of the city, signs were placed in front of each church, and posters were dis- tributed to stores. The publicity committee believed it had "a good thing to offer the people and took every legitimate and lawful means, both in season and out of season, of letting them know about it."13 Chapman him- self recommended advertising and had asked Charles Gordon, earlier in the year, to pro- mote the team of Chapman and Alexander in the Canadian newspapers.14 The main revival site was the new Palace Roller Rink which was equipped to accom- modate a crowd of 3,200. Meetings were also planned for the afternoons at the Opera House, Salvation Army barracks, Presbyte- rian, Baptist, and Methodist churches, and other sites including factories, the Asylum, and county churches near Orillia. Joining Chapman and Alexander at Orillia were E. G. Chapman (brother of J. Wilbur and his business manager), Mrs. Alexander, Ralph Norton (superintendent of personal work), Mr. and Mrs. Asher, soloist E. W. Naftzger, and others.15 The meetings not only attracted people from the local area but also drew many from the rural regions, some driving as far as forty miles. Others came by train from destinations such as Toronto, Newmarket, Bracebridge, Penetanguishene, Midland, Lindsay, Barrie, Coldwater, Collingwood, and other points. The men's meetings at the Opera House attracted greater numbers than any previous political or religious event in thecity.16 Night after night at the rink, crowds numbering between 2,000 and 3,500 came to hear Chapman and Alexander.17 The re- vival was perceived to be a major event by both clergymen and lay people throughout the region. As had been the case with the Manitoba press during the Winnipeg campaign, the Orillia newspapers provided extensive cov- erage of the meetings. Biographies, portraits of the evangelists, reports of audience turn- out, and accounts of all meetings were faith- fully presented to readers in both the Orillia Times and Orillia Packet. One Times edito- rial stated that it made no apologies for [ Page ] 158 devoting a vast amount of space to the campaign: "Nothing has transpired in recent years of more importance to the town or has stirred the community to such an extent as have the two week's meetings just closed."18 In the middle of the Orillia campaign, Chapman, Alexander, and associates also held a meeting in Barrie at the Opera House. According to one report, town businesses were closed during the meeting as approxi- mately 1500 people crowded into the buiId- ing.19Chapman's brief trip to Toronto was also greeted with enthusiasm. Massey Hall was filled to capacity and thousands were turned away from the Chapman-Alexander revival meeting; major Toronto newspapers gave appraisals of Chapman's brief visit.20 In Brantford, much of the preliminary work was done far in advance of the arrival of the evangelists, who had planned to hold meetings from October 15 to November 3. Participating in the Brantford campaign were evangelists Ora S. Gray, Frank Granstaff, Thomas Needham, the Ashers, and chi Idren's evangelist C. T. Schaeffer. One of the main venues was the Zion Presbyterian Church. Revival meetings also took place at a num- ber of other churches. In addition to the Y.M.C.A. gymnasium, the Opera House, and the Wonderland Theatre, several stores and factories were also targeted by the Chapman associates. Revival appeared to be everywhere in the city. The Brantford Courier reported that on the streets and in the shops men were telling others of the "Great Campaign" taking place in the city.21 Both the Courier and Brantford Ex- positor provided excellent and positive cov- erage of the revival meetings. In their one meeting at the Presbyterian church in nearby Paris, Chapman and Alexander attracted 1,500 people. According to the Star-Tran- script, the campaign had "deeply moved" the Paris community.22 Like his earlier visits, Chapman's later campaigns continued to attract large crowds. In March 1909, Chapman returned to Canada from the United States. Arriving in Winnipeg, Chapman, Alexander, and some associates were on their way to Vancouver and then overseas. At Winnipeg, the Chapman team received a generous reception.23 The Ameri- cans were also joined by a famous Canadian hero. The guest co-evangelist was Dr. Wi Ifrid Grenfell, Arctic medical missionary. Work- ing together but also holding services on their own, Grenfell, Chapman, and Alexander preached at three Presbyterian churches and one Congregational church. At these churches and at Walker Theatre, many people failed to gain admission be- cause of the crowds gathered for the ser- vices.24 Leaving Winnipeg by night express, the Chapman-Alexander party arrived in Regina, the capital of Saskatchewan, the following morning, where they held an im- promptu meeting at the city square which was attended by between 600 to 800 people.25 [ Description of photograph ] The Chapman Team in Toronto: Chapman with evangelist William Asher (r.) and musician Charles Alexander photographed in front of the Toronto YMCA by the Toronto Star Weekly, January 14, 1911 (RG 2-4, PHS, Philadelphia). [ Page ] 159 From Regina, the Chapman team went directly to Vancouver where they held two days of meetings to great crowds. People came from every corner of the city, the Vancouver World reported, long before the opening of the campaign. According to the Daily Province, the first meeting at the Wesley Methodist Church represented the greatest crowd in the history of the church, all of whom had gathered to experience the mes- sage of Chapman and the music of Alexander, Ernest Naftzger, and Robert Harkness.26 At a meeting the next day, Building Inspector Jarrett forbade the opening of the service until those who were standing exited the building since there was the real danger that the overstrained gallery could collapse. A quickly arranged overflow meeting led by Alexander restored some order. The final Chapman-Alexander revival meetings in Canada were at Toronto during the month of January 1911. Massey Hall was used as the main site for the whole campaign and a large number of evangelists, their musical assistants, and approximately 3,000 personal workers were on hand to tackle the various sectors of the city of over 375,000. Chapman's visit was highly organized; the city was divided into a number of districts with each evangelist assigned to a particular church.27 With the work of Virginia and William Asher and others, meetings were also held at numerous industrial sites. Clearly, the working class was targeted in the facto- ries and the newspaper reports indicate that workers were receptive to the services, many participating in the singing and listening to a message of sin and salvation.28 Because the simultaneous revival format was so unique in Toronto there was no shortage of media attention for the wide- spread meetings. All major daily newspa- pers provided coverage of the revival ser- vices, each focusing on some aspect of the meetings to set itself apart from its competi- tors. The Toronto World declared on Janu- ary 5 that "today is the opening day of one of the greatest religious campaigns Toronto has ever seen or ever will see for many a day...."29 The News and the Toronto Daily Star gave particularly comprehensive cover- age. Over 400,000 people were "conserva- tively estimated" by the newspapers to have attended the January campaign.30 II A typical Chapman revival meeting usu- ally attracted a large number of people early in advance of the official opening. A song service was the first feature of a meeting and it played a vital role in preparing the audi- ence to become responsive to the forthcom- ing gospel message.” As was the case with all evangelistic teams since Moody and Sankey, a talented soloist was an essential component in a revival meeting. Soloists Paul J. Gilbert at the 1907 Winnipeg cam- paign, and song leader Charles Alexander and Ernest W. Naftzger at all other cam- paigns, sang popular gospel hymns to the delight of their listeners.12 Prayer requests, mostly on the topic of family life, were an important component at some of the meetings. The Toronto Daily Star reported that at one meeting, a Toronto woman asked: "Please pray for my daughter. She is only 16, and she has lost everything that a young girl can value in this life. She has killed her father, and she is killing me."33 At another meeting, a man pleaded: "I am a redeemed drunkard. Will you pray for my wife and family. I have been separated from them for two years. Will you pray that we may be brought together once more?"34 A sermon followed prayer and on aver- age was about forty minutes long. Chapman's services were notable for the quiet earnest- ness and fervent interest which was gener- ated throughout the audience. According to one Manitoba Free Press headline, the key- note of the Chapman campaign was "Quiet and Reasonable Simplicity and Preaching of Gospel Truth...."35 He had neither the fa- therly command of D. L. Moody nor the forceful presentation of Reuben Torrey, but the revival message that he delivered to Canadians was one that often mesmerized his listeners. At an Orillia meeting in 1908, one observer was struck by the power of [ Page ] 160 Chapman as he presented a message of sin and salvation "with a directness and sim- plicity, and a tenderness of voice which immediately arrests the attention and holds the interest of his hearers till the last word is spoken."36 The message, recorded the Orillia Times, "was always a living one, the simple story of God's love in Christ Jesus retold in a way that appealed to the hearts of men and women." When asked what he thought of the merits of Chapman as a public speaker, another man replied: "I don't know. In fact I didn't think about him at all; he made me think so much of the Man he was preaching about."37 In a quiet and earnest manner, Chapman confidently preached a message of salvation through Christ. His style was best suited to please early twentieth-century Canadian Presbyterian clergymen who had been wary of sensationalism. He used simple illustrations and stories to keep driving his message home. As a veteran revivalist, Chapman occa- sionally closed his sermon with a prayer while pianist Robert Harkness slowly and softly played a tune such as the tender notes of "Home, Sweet Home." At a Winnipeg meeting in 1907, he executed this and the effect was striking, especially when, at the conclusion of the prayer, soloist Paul Gilbert began singing the touching song. In an era when many Canadians were leaving home to live in the cities, it was no surprise that such hymns moved audiences. The perfor- mance was packaged but there was no de- nying its ability to reach the hearts of its listeners as they sat quietly, many of them weeping as they contemplated the nostalgic memories of home life in a simpler era.38 To those listeners who already professed Christianity, Chapman might petition them to practice self-denial and promote Chris- tian principles. Others were asked to profess their conversion. Reporting on a Massey Hall meeting of the 1911 Toronto campaign, a journalist recorded that "hundreds of men and women...fled down the aisles towards the platform and confessed their faith." The scene itself was striking as "women with tear-stained faces sobbed aloud, and men knelt on the floor, while personal workers urged them to dedicate their lives to the Master's service."39 Also at Toronto, Chapman occasionally invited revival attenders to an inquiry meeting in the base- ment of Massey Hall "to make a public profession of conversion."40 One Toronto reporter, in 1911, stated that Chapman was clearly a "conservative" who was unlikely to "trust the New Testament beyond, the endorsations [s/c] of D. L. Moody."41 Some of Chapman's most popular sermon subjects included "The Unpardonable Sin," "Judge- ment," "Almost Persuaded," "Conversion," "The Christian's Relation to Amusements of the World," "They have sown the wind, and they shall reap the whirlwind," "With Christ or without Christ," and "An Old Fashioned Home." For Chapman, paramount was one's acceptance of Jesus Christ as personal Sav- [ Description of photograph ] A Quiet and Ernest Manner: Chapman in a publicity photo in a typical homiletical pose, used by the Toronto News, January 21, 1911 (RG 2-4, PHS, Philadelphia). [ Page 161 ] ior: "I believe Jesus Christ to be the Son of God and the Saviour of the world. I believe in the Bible right through. I believe that men must be born again."42 Occasionally, he did not mince words. Chapman held that it was vital for people to believe in a literal hell. The task before him was to preach people "out of hell" but also to preach "hell out of" people.43 As much as he cared for the social wel- fare of people, Chapman was no social gospeller. Although he believed that Chris- tians should assist those who were weighed down by the oppressiveness of the modern industrial state, his focus was predominately on soul winning. Rather than promoting social activism and legislative remedies for economic problems, his idea of social ser- vice was that the church rebuke unchristian behavior. As Chapman saw it, the solution to economic and social problems was Jesus. Ill The Chapman meetings attempted to target the whole community and support from Protestant churches was strong, with the Anglican Church being the only notice- able exception. When some Anglicans were involved, such as an Archdeacon Phair and the Reverend J. J. Roy, rector of St. George's Church and chairman of the North Central District for the Winnipeg campaign, they received praise from the Presbyterian and not from an Anglican publication.44 Unlike the Anglicans, a large number of Canadian Baptist clergymen were involved with the Chapman meetings. In Canadian Baptist reports on the Orillia campaign, W. F. Roadhouse rejoiced in the methods and ideals of the revival meetings stating that no one could experience Chapman's earnest and passionate message and not be awak- ened: "[H]is messages burn.... He never apologizes, but pointedly, courageously he smites the sins of the home life as well as of the individual." In Roadhouse's estimation, the revival meetings, "undoubtedly of God," had transformed the whole city; citizens on the streets talked primarily of spiritual mat- ters.45 Similarly, the Canadian Congregation- alist gave positive coverage to the Orillia meetings. A message by the editor stating that ample space was devoted to the Orillia meetings "because we believe in Dr. Chapman's work, because we believe in revival effort and because our readers are deeply interested in this work."46 tn the issue printed one week later, the paper spoke of the even "greater things" which had taken place. Recording that people were singing in the streets and greeting and speaking to each other throughout the city, the Congre- gationalist declared that "the whole town seems to have been caught up into a higher condition of spiritual life."47The Christian Guardian, a Methodist organ, also provided a number of positive reports.48 While some Presbyterians questioned particulars of professional revivalism, Pres- byterians as a whole gave the most consis- tent support of all Canadian Protestant de- nominations to Chapman's campaigns. This could be expected since the Presbyterian Church in Canada had modeled its own evangelism programs on those of Chapman, a Presbyterian himself.49 The Presbyterian, published in Toronto, provided positivecov- erage of Chapman's campaigns in the United States, Portage la Prairie, Winnipeg, Orillia, Toronto, Paris, and Brantford. In its report of the 1907 Winnipeg meetings, the Presbyte- rian expected great results and was reas- sured not only because of Chapman's past success but for his avoidance of sensational- ism, exaggerated statements, and extreme emotionalism. But with Chapman, the Pres- byterians had little to fear. According to the Presbyterian, the Winnipeg campaign was noteworthy for its absence of excessive emo- tionalism, its capacity to move the whole city, and its ability to unite churches—all characteristics which prompted even greater support for the meetings.50 On the success of the Orillia campaign, D. C. MacGregor reported in the Presbyte- rian that the secret of Chapman's power to stir the whole town was that he both de- pended on the power of prayer and preached a simple message about sin and its conse- [ Page ] 162 [ Description of full page cartoon ] Alexander Leads: Cartoon by Harold Jones captures evangelist, singer, and sacred song writer Charles M. Alexander as he leads the singing with characteristic vigor. Toronto News, January 10, 1911 (Chapman Papers, RG 2-4, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia). [ Page ] 163 [ Description of photograph ] Charles M. Alexander, photographed by the Toronto Star Weekly, January 10, 1911 (RG 2-4, PHS, Philadelphia). quences. "Is it any wonder," MacGregor asked, "we had great manifestation of the Spirits presence and power?"51 The meet- ings in Paris were also noted for their evan- gelical fervor. Despite the competing excite- ment over the 1908 federal election, the revival crowds were large. Assessing the impact of the revival in Paris, the Reverend R. G. MacBeth wrote that the community was "deeply moved...beyond the power of human computation." Like other Presbyteri- ans, he was impressed that there was an absence of "unnatural excitement" and that clergymen and their parishioners were in- spired to continue evangelism and personal work in their community.52 IV Protestant publications that had raved about Chapman's earlier campaigns offered less optimistic assessments of his final cam- paign. The Canadian Baptist initially gave good press to the 1911 Toronto revival meet- ings. Near the end of the campaign the Canadian Baptist reported that many Torontonians were blessed by the "continu- ous impact of the Gospel of Christ in song and story."53 A few weeks later, however, the magazine was sensitive to the fact that the meetings had not generated the same magnitude of enthusiasm as past cam- paigns.54 The Canadian Congregationalist offered a number of reports, yet the most revealing account was its overall assessment of the January campaign published in early March. It admitted that "the city was not moved as was hoped and expected. The flotsam and jetsam of the city remained absolutely untouched." At best, the cam- paign brought Christians a little closer to Christ; mostly the city continued "as though nothing had happened."55 The Christian Guardian was also taking a more critical view on professional revival- ism. One Methodist argued that there should be room for both "ethical teaching" and the old-fashioned method of appealing to indi- viduals to be reconciled to God. Although the writer did not clarify what he meant by ethical teaching, he appeared to be suggest- ing that soul winning, which Chapman pro- moted, and greater church involvement in social issues, which social gospellers advo- cated, should go hand and hand.56 Accord- ing to Mark Noll, early Canadian social gospellers remained closer to evangelical Protestant traditions than had been the case in the United States.57 The Methodist report on the close of the Chapman-Alexander campaign acknowl- edged that the simultaneous meetings were less spectacular than previous campaigns and that the number of conversions was lower than expected.58 Reporting the results of a questionnaire on the Chapman- Alexander campaign in Toronto, W. B. Creighton, editor of the Christian Guardian, noted that of the Toronto Methodist clergy- men who replied, over 60 percent gave less than enthusiastic opinions of the effective- ness of the campaign for increasing church membership and reaching the unsaved.59 Initially, the response of the Presbyterian press to the Toronto meetings was very posi- tive. Before the start of the January 1911 campaign, the Presbyterian declared that the simultaneous evangelistic model adopted by the Presbyterian Church in Canada had produced encouraging results in various re- gions of Canada over the past few years. In [ Page ] 164 both the small and large urban centers of the early twentieth century, many Canadian Pres- byterians glorified the old gospel message which could bring so many people of vari- ous denominations together. One Presbyte- rian commentator, on January 5, 1911, claimed that a revival campaign was simply the "persistent presentation of fundamental religious truth, with the endeavor to secure the personal acceptance of it by individuals. Such work needs no apology or commenda- tion." There might be differences expressed concerning the methods but none on "the necessity for telling men the truth about God and duty, about sin and death and redemp- tion through Jesus Christ."60 In at least one city district, however, F. A. Robinson noted that comparatively few non- church members were present at meet- ings.61 Some clergy believed that the cam- paign had brought "lasting good," whereas others were less convinced. The Reverend J. McP. Scott, for example, noted that while Christians were awakened and individuals saved, the expected "deep, far-reaching movement of God" did not occur. The Rev- erend W. G. Wallace and the Reverend A. Logan Geggie, two Presbyterian clergymen closely involved with the campaign, agreed that the harvest was not as extensive as many expected.62 The membership numbers in 1911 for the Toronto Presbytery and Toronto Meth- odist District confirm the validity of these perceptions. From 1909 to 1913, the best year for the Presbyterians was 1910, the year before the Chapman campaign. Methodist gains did not rise significantly until one-and- a-half years after the visit of the Chapman evangelists. In most cases, Methodist, Pres- byterian, and Baptist city churches that were located in all city districts and that partici- pated directly in the Chapman simultaneous campaign showed no sharp rise in growth. The 1911 Toronto campaign spawned little growth.63 As it turns out, Chapman's first Canadian campaign in Winnipeg likewise generated modest results. For example, Au- gustine Presbyterian Church showed a marked increase, St. Stephen's Presbyterian Church had a modest increase in numbers, and St. Andrew's Presbyterian Church lost members. Overall, the rise in numbers was fairly insignificant.64 V Of the unchurched who attended the Chapman campaigns, many likely repre- sented the working class. Studies on Protes- tantism in small Ontario centers show that working-class religiosity was very much alive in the late Victorian years and that it was mainly the working class which favored the emotionalism associated with revivalism. Before the Salvation Army in Canada expe- [ Description of picture ] Industrial Mission: William Asher (standing r. in light coat) conducts a noonday meeting at the Taylor Safe Works, Toronto. The organist is a member of the firm. Toronto Star Weekly, January 28,1911 (RG 2-4, PHS, Philadelphia). [ Page ] 165 rienced a loss of evangelical zeal in the early 1890s, a significant number of workers were attracted to its message of sin and salvation. Likewise for many early twentieth-century workers, the attraction of evangelical reviv- alism was an uncomplicated gospel mes- sage praising a living Christ who offered mercy and forgiveness. Evangelicalism, in general, not only offered spiritual sustenance and meaning but provided comfort to the worker who lost a loved one, who was thrown out of employment, or who faced unhappiness, uncertainties, and fears within.65 Unlike the formal atmosphere of Sunday services, daily revival meetings in churches, and especially in neutral sites such as halls and roller rinks, offered a more egalitarian setting for workers. But would the working class fully embrace revivalism and church life? It should be stressed that class-related issues such as elaborate churches, pew rents, and bourgeois ideals of social respectability and status alienated many industrial work- ers. A recent study argues that early twenti- eth-century Presbyterian leaders, applying modern business methods to the church, preached more on the suppression of social vice that threatened bourgeois ideals than on the compelling love and grace of God.66 Moreover, there were workers who were suspicious of the alliance between the Chapman campaigns and clergy and busi- ness leaders.67 As the Winnipeg revival cam- paign was in progress, the Voice, a working- class paper, reported that the birth of the Chapman evangelistic movement was fa- thered by some of the wealthiest men of Philadelphia, including those who were notoriously anti-union.68 The main Canadian sponsors behind the meetings were well- known and respected clergymen such as T. B. Kilpatrick and J. G. Shearer, who had direct connections with men of business, and Charles W. Gordon, wealthy from his books and real estate investments; and suc- cessful businessmen such as Winnipeg's J. A. M. Aikens, G. F. Stephens, and Sir Daniel McMillan, Orillia's J. J. Thompson, and Toronto's J. N. Shenstone, to name only a few. Leading capitalists were involved in the Chapman campaigns and, thus, it is not surprising that the Winnipeg meetings were championed by people such as William Whyte, vice president of the Winnipeg Elec- tric Railway Company—the company that attempted to eliminate union activity the year before the arrival of the Chapman evan- gelists.69 It would be too simplistic to say that in Canada all workers' spiritual yearnings were affected by labor politics. Still, Protestant denominations built and equipped huge churches, gathered large, influential, and wealthy congregations, raised vast sums of money for religious purposes, but failed to attract large numbers of Canadian workers into church membership, even with the as- sistance of popular American evangelists, including the Ashers who preached prima- rily in working-class space (industrial work and leisure sites).70 VI Chapman did generate much excitement and spiritual renewal among church mem- bers and churchgoers who attended the meetings.71 Representing primarily the mid- dling strata, these church members were supportive of Chapman's message that not only advanced piety and personal evange- lism but also offered sound biblical guide- lines for family and community life. Yet Canadian Protestants' expectations were too high; the Chapman campaigns could not easily achieve both renewal and substantial church growth. Not only was there the issue of class, but Protestant leaders did not pro- vide the support that Chapman required for his last and most ambitious Canadian cam- paign. Commenting on the 1911 Toronto meetings, the Reverend Jason Murray wrote: "The fact is that we were not ready for this campaign. 'The hunger was not on us'; a few years hence and such a movement would have shaken Toronto as it never has been shaken."72 In a biography of Chapman, John Ramsay has argued that Toronto churches had pledged their complete cooperation and [ Page ] 166 backing for the January campaign but, none- theless, became involved with supporting activities such as secular concerts and lec- tures.73 Chapman's own assessment, at the conclusion of the meetings, suggests that the problem was with some Toronto ministers: "I will never go to another city again until I have the evangelical ministers pledged to help me.... We have done the best possible under the circumstances in this city...."74 Of the large number of those on the social periphery who attended the revival meetings, few joined churches as a result of Chapman's campaigns. Yet they did pack into meetings to experience revivalism. The impact of evangelistic services was particu- larly strong for the regular churchgoers who heard Chapman and his co-evangelists; they were probably revitalized by the message and the music presented. Overall, secular and denominational press coverage was more positive than critical, and the large crowds that heard Chapman and his associ- ates were testimony to the popularity of urban revival meetings. If unchurched re- vival attenders were reluctant to join main- stream churches in large numbers, Cana- dian Protestant clergy leaders must accept most of the responsibility rather than passing the burden to short-term visitors. NOTES 1 For recent treatment of Chapman see Dale E. Soden, "Anatomy of a Presbyterian Urban Revival: J. W. Chapman in the Pacific Northwest," American Presbyterians: Journal of Presbyterian History 64 (Spring 1986): 49-57; and Bryan D. Gilling, "Revivalism as Renewal: ). Wilbur Chapman in New Zealand, 1912- 13," American Presbyterians: Journal of Presbyterian History70 (Summer 1992): 81-92. 2 William McLoughlin, Modern Revival ism: Charles Grandison Finney to Billy Graham (New York: Ronald Press, 1959), 377-78. 3 Guide to Collection 77, John Wilbur Chapman Papers, Billy Graham Center Archives, Wheaton Col- lege, Wheaton, III. 4 Chapman to Gordon, 13 Dec. 1906, C. W. Gor- don Papers, University of Manitoba Archives, Winnipeg. Gordon also wanted Chapman for April but the latter could not commit to that date. 5 Gordon would assist Chapman with a campaign in Philadelphia the following year. On their close relationship, Chapman wrote in 1908: "It has been worth while to work the whole year just to know you and to come under your influence. If I have helped you it is only right that I should say that I believe you have helped me more" (Chapman to Gordon, 27 Apr. 1 908, Gordon Papers). 6 "Some Leaders in the Winnipeg Campaign," The Presbyterian (Toronto), 7 Nov.1907. 7 Manitoba Free Press, 21. 24, 25 Oct. 1907. 8 Confirming the success of the meetings was a letter from John Converse to Charles Gordon. Con- verse, chairman of the General Assembly's Committee on Evangelistic Work in Philadelphia, wrote that he valued Gordon's praise of the Chapman meetings in Winnipeg and expected that his testimony would "have important influence in bringing al I denominations into line" for future campaigns in the United States (Con- verse to Gordon, 26 Nov. 1907, Gordon Papers). 9 While the Winnipeg meetings were in progress, another part of the Chapman campaign was holding meetings at Portage la Prairie, a small city west of Winnipeg (Portage la Prairie Evening Review, 23 Oct. 1907). 10 Chapman to Gordon, 12 June 1908, Gordon Papers; Manitoba Free Press, 12 June 1908. 11 Orillia Times, 17-18 Sept. 1908. 12 David H. Church, Cottage Prayer-Meetings, Orillia Times, 15 Oct. 1908. Also, see the Orillia Packet. 10 Sent. 1908. 13 See W. S. Frost, The Publicity Department, Orillia Times. 15 Oct. 1908. 14 Chapman to Gordon, undated letter, Jan./Feb. 1908, Gordon Papers. 15 Orillia Times, 8 Oct. 1908. 16 Ibid., 15 Oct. 1908. 17 See R. O. Smith, "The Crowds at the Rink," Orillia Times, 15 Oct. 1908. For one meeting, it was reported that "never before within the knowledge of the oldest resident of Orillia had there been such a large gathering under one roof." 18 Orillia Times, 15 Oct. 1908. 19 Orillia Packet, 15 Oct. 1908. 20 Toronto Globe, Toronto Daily Star, and Toronto Evening Telegram, 15 Oct. 1908. 21 Brantford Courier, 23 Oct. 1908. 22 Paris Star-Transcript, 4 Nov. 1908. Also see the Brantford Daily Expositor, 29 Oct. 1908. 23 Chapman to Gordon, 22 Mar. 1909, Gordon Papers. Gordon also claimed that the Chapman- Alexander duo was "a great one." 24 Manitoba Free Press, 22 Mar. 1909. 25 Ford C. Ottman, J. Wilbur Chapman: A Biogra- phy (Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1920), 137. 26 Vancouver World, 25 Mar. 1909; Daily Prov- ince, 25 Mar. 1909. 27 The Presbyterian churches involved included Victoria Presbyterian Church (West Toronto), Dunn Avenue Presbyterian Church (Parkdale), and St. John's Presbyterian Church (Riverdale). 28 For an example of a revival meeting for workers see "A Great Meeting At Taylor Works," Toronto Daily Star, 6 Jan. 1911. 29 Toronto World. 5 Ian. 1911. 30 Toronto Daily Star, 28 Jan. 1911. The News, 31 Jan. 1911, stated that over 600,000 people had lis- tened to the evangelists' exhortations. In its reports, the News spoke of the "Great Revival," the "Great Reviv- alists," and the "Sweeping Religious Revival," and it occasionally offered front page coverage, large bold headlines which stretched across the width of the [ Page ] 167 page, comprehensive accounts of Chapman's sermons, many photographs and some sketches, and in every issue the Ivrics and music of a gospel hvmn. 31 Star-Transcript, 4 Nov. 1908. As Canadian min- ister R. G. MacBeth maintained, Chapman and Alexander's gospel hymns "sing their way into the soul, and that is the chief aim of all worship music." 32 See Miss C. B. Mackay, “The Music," Orillia Times, 15 Oct. 1908. 33 Toronto Daily Star, 14 Jan. 1911. 34 News, 16 Jan. 1911. 35 Manitoba Free Press, 29 Oct. 1907. 36 Orillia Times, 8 Oct. 1 908. 37 Ibid., 15 Oct. 1908. 38 Manitoba Free Press. 29 Oct. 1907. 39 Toronto World, 18 Ian. 1 911. 40 Toronto Daily Star, 28 Jan. 1911. Chapman did not keep statistics on how many came forward when invitations were made. 41 "An Ultra-conservative is Evangelist Chapman," Toronto World, 9 Jan. 1911. 42 "The Only Effective Theology," Presbyterian Record, August 1909, 358-59; Hanover Post, 12 Jan. 1911. Also J. Wilbur Chapman's Awakening Sermons (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1922); The Ivory Pal- aces of the King (Chicago: Fleming H. Revell, 1893); RevivalSermons(New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1911). 43 "Men Must Believe There is a Hell," Toronto Mail, 21 Jan. 1911; News, 16 Jan. 1911; Toronto Daily Star, 28 Jan. 1911. There was a hell, Chapman insisted, but "God sends no man into perdition; He has raised every possible barrier before hell"; the final decision was made by the individual. 44 Presbyterian, 21 Nov. 1907. 45 Canadian Baptist, 22 Oct. 1908. Roadhouse was amazed that there were meetings which drew 3,500 in a city of 6,000 of which 1,000 were Roman Catholics and Plymouth Brethren, who, he claimed, did not attend the meetings. 46 Canadian Congregationalist, 8 Oct. 1 908. 47 lbid., 1 5 Oct. 1908. Also see the Oct. 22 and 29 issues. 48 Christian Guardian, 20 Nov. 1907. 49 Brian J. Fraser, Church, College, and Clergy: A History of Theological Education at Knox College, Toronto 1844-1994 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill- Queen's University Press, 1995), 131. 50 See the Presbyterian issues of: 31 Oct; 7, 14,21, 28 Nov.; 5 Dec. 1907. 51 D. C. MacGregor, "The Chapman Campaign in Orillia," ibid., 29 Oct. 1908. 52 R. G. MacBeth, "The Campaign in Paris," ibid., 12 Nov. 1908. 53 Canadian Baptist, 8 Dec. 1910, 26 Jan. 1911. 54 lbid., 16 Mar. 1911. 55 Canadian Congregationalist, 9 Mar. 1911. 56 Christian Guardian, 25 Ian. 191 7. 57 Mark NolI, A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1992), 279. Interestingly, in Chapman's earlier campaigns in the Pacific Northwest, Presbyte- rian social gospeller Charles Stelzle played a major role. See Soden, "Anatomy of a Presbyterian Urban Revival," 50, 55-57. 58 Christian Guardian, 8 Feb. 1911. 59 "What Was There in the Chapman-Alexander Campaign?" ibid., 8 Mar. 1911. 60 'Preaching the Gospel," Presbyterian, 5 Jan. 1911. 61 Presbyterian. 19 Jan 1911. 62 "Chapman-Alexander Simultaneous Mission: Impressions of the Campaign," ibid., 2 Feb. 1911. 63 Methodist Minutes of Conferences,1908-14; Baptist Year Book, 1908-14; Presbyterian Church in Canada, Acts and Proceedings of the General Assem- bly, 1908-14. 64 PCC, Acts and Proceedings, 1905-9. 65 Lynne Marks, Revivals and Roller Rinks: Reli- gion, Leisure, and Identity in Late- Nineteenth-Century Small-Town Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996); Doris O'Dell, "The Class Character of Church Participation in Late Nineteenth-Century Belleville, Ontario" (Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University, Kingston, Ont., 1990). Also see "'The World of the Common Man Is Filled with Religious Fervour': The Labouring People of Winnipeg and the Persistence of Revivalism, 1914-1925" in George Rawlyk, ed., As- pects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), 337-50. 66 Barry Mack, "From Preaching to Propaganda to Marginalization: The Lost Centre of Twentieth-Cen- tury Presbyterianism," in Rawlyk, ed., Aspects of the Canadian Evangelical Experience. 138. 142. 67 Marks, Revivals and Roller Rinks, 34. She argues that for some men, "conflict in the workplace may have heightened class-consciousness and led a reluctance to worship with employers...." 68 "The Home of the Evangelist Movement," The Voice, 1 Nov. 1907. 69 Aiken, MacMillan, and Gordon were listed as Winnipeg millionaires. See Alan Artibise, ed., Gate- way City: Documents on the City of Winnipeg 1873- 1913 (Winnipeg, 1979), 119, 125, 127. 70 On the issue twentieth-century Protestant clergy- men identifying more with the profane consumerism of modern bourgeois society than with the Christ model of assisting the needy and oppressed, more with "respect- able" folk than with the laboring poor, see George Rawlyk, "Writing about Canadian Religious Revivals," in Edith Blumhofer and Randall Balmer, eds., Modern Chris- tian Revivals (Urbana, 1993), 220-24. For more on the divergence of worker and middle-class evangelical cul- ture see Marguerite Van Die, "'The Marks of a Genuine Revival': Religion, Social Change, Gender, and Commu- nity in Mid-Victorian Brantford, Ontario," Canadian His- torical Review 79 (Sept. 1998), 554-55. 71 This argument is presented in Gilling, "Revival- ism as Renewal," 81-92. 72 "Chapman-Alexander Simultaneous Mission: Impressions of the Campaign," Presbyterian, 2 Feb. 1911. 73 John C. Ramsay, John Wilbur Chapman: The Man, His Methods, and His Message (Boston: Christo- pher Publishing House, 1962), 65. 74 Toronto Daily Star, 30 Jan. 1911. ***** This is the end of the e-text. This e-text was brought to you by Tyndale University, J. William Horsey Library - Tyndale Digital Collections *****